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The Kurdish nationalist movement is abandoning a conception of armed struggle while not giving up armed actions

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(Yuruyus [“March”] magazine no. 512, March 13, 2016, p.31-3. Translated from Turkish)

The Kurdish nationalist movement is abandoning a conception of armed struggle while not giving up armed actions.

Its most powerful actions involving hundreds of kilos of explosives are simply about continuing the conciliation process and getting the AKP back to the negotiating table!

The quality of an armed action and the political strength of it depend on their content! The Kurdish nationalist movement’s armed actions do not mean that it is defending armed struggle!

The Ankara action and the arguments caused by it

On February 17, 2016 in the state quarter of Ankara, a vehicle carrying military personnel (soldiers and civilian civil servants) was targeted in an action. As a result 29 people died and dozens were injured. Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu and President Tayyip Erdogan lost no time after the action in issuing statement after statement that the PYD-YPG in Syria had carried out the action, and said a refugee from Rojava named Saleh Nejjar had carried it out. Not long after the PYD denied any connection to the action and said nobody of that name was affiliated to them.

But despite this the AKP persisted in attributing it to the PYD, and it kept trying to prove it, calling the ambassadors of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council (USA, France, Russia, Britain and China and the German ambassador to the ministry. Moreover the current EU chair and the chair of the Turkey EU delegation were informed…

The AKP counted on intervening in Syria in order to prevent the creation of a Kurdish area and maintained this effort at the highest level… In particular in its debate with the USA on the subject of the PYD, it sought to strengthen its own case, and by pushing the PYD into a corner it sought to prevent it from taking any steps independent of Turkey. It sought to use this action too for this goal.

From the first moment of the action, Kurdish nationalist circles also made statements and assessments to the effect that the action might be a contra-guerrilla1 one. But a short time later a statement was made implying the action was perhaps a PKK one, when Cemil Bayik said, “An action carried out in Ankara at the centre of militarism might be an action to achieve vengeance for the inhuman, savage and genocidal massacres carried out against our people.” None of these statements attributed responsibility and this came across as a rather feeble voice emerging from the swamp of conciliation. It was a statement that confused many when it came to attributing responsibility for the action, and essentially it amounted to a threat being made to the AKP government.

After a statement was made that the USA was not accepting the AKP’s claims, on the third day after the explosion it was claimed by TAK (Teyrambaze Azadiya Kurdistan – Kurdistan Freedom Falcons)… Despite this claim the AKP continued to maintain that the PYD and the PKK were not independent of one another, that they were the same organisation, and it persisted in trying to get others to accept its versions.

Until this claim was made, it is necessary to say that there was a good deal of confusion in the minds of Kurdish nationalists. While the AKP persisted in attributing the action to the PYD, Kurdish nationalist writers and those who tail them sometimes took a cautious attitude in the press organs of the Kurdish nationalist movement, but some thought it was a contra-guerrilla action.

Here are some examples:

“Mahir Kaynak said, ‘who does it benefit?’ Who does benefit from it? Neither the USA nor Russia. Neither Assad nor the YPG! Look, Yeni Safak2 adds Iran to the mix and says ‘everyone is a partner’! But it doesn’t benefit anyone! The YPG is only one problematic actor in this.”3

“Surprising, isn’t it, people close to the vehicle where the bomb exploded were torn apart, body parts caught fire and burned, but despite this while the smoke was still billowing Prime Minister Davutoglu said the suspect was Saleh Nejjar, a Syrian Kurd and YPG member. The Turkish media came up with identification and a photograph, the President began howling about the ‘terrorist PYD’. But no, the world knew well who it was and whose hands were in whose pockets. Human beings have their throats cut by proxy, bombs are set off by proxy.”4

“24 hours had not gone by before the AKP said it had solved the Ankara event, let us reflect on the fact it could not solve over a period of years Roboski and Reyhanli, or over a period of months Suruc, the October 10 Ankara bombing or Sultanahmet. Developments here should cause people to think about what the head of MIT5 , Hakan Fidan, meant when he said ‘send four men and I will get them to fire eight missiles.’“6

Moreover Saleh Muslim7 also made a statement pointing to contra-guerrillas: “This is definitely not right. Kurds have no connection with the event in Ankara. Here there is a connection with Turkey’s struggle with ISIL. In the same way this was done by ISIL members living in Turkey.”8

It should not be as simple as this for an action to become confused with a contra-guerrilla action. But actions by Kurdish nationalists can have this confused character. The reasons for this are undoubtedly connected to the conception of actions derived from the past history of the Kurdish nationalist movement, and its viewpoint on armed struggle and actions today.

The Kurdish nationalist movement’s conception of armed actions and armed struggle is distorted

When the PKK first entered the arena of struggle in 1978, armed struggle was a basic part of its line… Despite some distortions in targeting and conception of armed struggle, in a stable manner it set in motion armed struggle and its targets were obvious ones. And this made the Kurdish nationalist movement worthy of esteem.

Another reason for this is that at the start the PKK was a movement whose line was influenced by both socialism and revolutionary models derived from socialist countries, and its aim was power on a national basis.

But with the collapse of the socialist countries, the PKK began to turn towards imperialist countries and to seek conciliation.

In 1993 it declared a cease-fire and gradually for the Kurdish nationalist movement armed struggle became downgraded to a “tactic”. Cease-fire decisions followed one after the other. A reformist approach began to determine all PKK politics and tactics, the armed struggle included. The first steps on the road towards conciliation were taken in 1993. It can be said that after this the armed struggle completely became about increasing the power of conciliation efforts and about getting the imperialists and Turkey’s oligarchy to sit down at the negotiating table.

When it set out on the road the aim was independence, but in every subsequent period its demands were whittled down a little more each time, and finally the Kurdish problem was reduced to the language question. At this point the aims of the struggle and methods of the struggle were openly in contradiction with one another. The demands were those that could be made by any legal party or democratic organisation, for they were within the system, and so for these demands neither a guerrilla force nor armed struggle were required.

The process also gathered pace after Ocalan was captured. In all these periods we have seen ever more obvious deviations in the PKK line, both in its conception of actions and in its targets. On the one hand, in the name of conciliation it has continually made concessions, like retreating from the aim of “Independent Kurdistan” to an “autonomy” model consisting of partial self-government by local authorities, while on the other it reached the point that the armed struggle had reached its sell-by date and was being abandoned within the frontiers of Turkey. Armed struggle is also unnecessary for a movement distancing itself from the aim of power and merely seeking autonomy for local authorities.

Nor is the Kurdish nationalist movement restricting itself to this – outside Turkey it is entering into relations with imperialism and has reached the point where it has no problems with serving as its ground forces. At the point it has reached, the PKK is itself rejecting armed struggle and saying weapons have served their purpose. The Kurdish nationalist movement has largely undermined its basis for engaging in armed struggle, both ideologically and strategically.

Carrying out armed actions does not mean a defence of armed struggle!

Many sectors completely misunderstand why the PKK supports guerrillas and carries out armed actions. One day a cease-fire will be declared, the next it will be ended for no obvious reason. On the one hand it will say that “armed struggle has passed its sell-by date”, on the other it will say “we will never give up our weapons”. One day it will say, “from now on we will wage a political struggle”, then it will say, “let us join the guerrillas.” But there is no confusion here. The PKK has ceased aiming for power. It has left the aim of Independent Kurdistan to one side. Essentially it has removed its basis for waging armed struggle. In taking steps forward and back, its only aim is to bring the oligarchy to the negotiating table.

The Kurdish nationalist movement is at a point where it has no solutions. This is indisputable. But this point it has reached is not because of armed struggle but the result of it distancing itself from armed struggle and tending in the direction of reformism. All the gains of the armed struggle are dead ends and surrenders, and these are the consequences of nationalism and reformism.

Carrying out a large number of armed actions does not mean that an armed struggle is being conducted. Essentially armed struggle is a political struggle. The quality of the armed struggle depends on the correctness and health of the ideology directing and being directed by it. As we view it this way, the way the Kurdish nationalist movement is slipping and sliding ideologically means it cannot maintain a persistent and stable line on armed struggle.

The Kurdish nationalist movement’s conception of armed struggle is not revolutionary

Throughout these periods the PKK has also expressed a great many distortions in armed struggle and armed actions. This ultimately comes from distortions in its understanding of actions. As a petit bourgeois nationalist movement, it carries out actions in revenge for the oligarchy’s contra-guerrilla attacks on the people which themselves harm the people, and look like actions the contra-guerrillas might have carried out. From the Cetinkaya shop action to village massacres in Basbaglar, it has put its signature to quite a few actions like that. And it has defended this behaviour for years.

So in a number of places, PKK actions resemble contra-guerrilla actions and this makes it easy for the oligarchy to engage in demagogy about the PKK, and contra-guerrilla actions can easily be passed off as PKK actions.

In recent years the PKK has had a line of “discussions” and “conciliation”, so it has been more circumspect about carrying out actions that affect civilians, but it has never made an open and sincere self-criticism for past actions and continues to see them as feasible types of action.

Actions by TAK in particular have a character of not targeting the military but harming civilians. Also TAK comes across in these actions as having the force of a kind of PKK. And this is why it can quite calmly be stated by the Kurdish nationalist environment that these kinds of actions might be contra-guerrilla ones. At the very least it might give rise to this thought: if a major action is carried out in an area called “The State Quarter” (Turkish: Devlet Mahallesi) and if there is an absence of political clarity in an action targeting the state forces, with civilians also travelling in the service vehicles being targeted in addition, the thought will readily come to mind that this is a contra-guerrilla action.

On the other hand the Ankara action was not clearly and unambiguously claimed by the PKK, it was claimed in the name of TAK. In other words, the Ankara action was also assessed as part of the process of conciliation and carried out with this aim in mind. While the behaviour underlying the action created confusion in people’s minds, claiming the action clears the matter up.

In a lengthy interview with Cemil Bayik carried in the 19 February Ozgur Gundem newspaper, the PKK was glorified at great length and described as the most correct and clear in everything it did, it had never done anything wrong and so it can come as no surprise when he made the following statement:

 “An action carried out in Ankara at the centre of militarism might be an action to achieve vengeance for the inhuman, savage and genocidal massacres carried out against our people. We cannot know who carried out this action. But what we do know is that when previously massacres were perpetrated in Kurdistan, actions such as these were carried out as vengeance. In any case, let those who carried out the action explain why they did it. But it is clearly understood that when such a tyrannical war is being conducted against the Kurds, some will carry out revenge and reprisal actions. A state that slaughters young people and civilians in Cizre has no right to talk about these actions. But if the intellectuals, writers, journalists and politicians of Turkey do not come out against the tyranny of the Turkish state, angry Kurdish youth may take vengeance for these attacks perpetrated against the Kurdish people.”

Look at this concept of actions… A movement with clear political aims and a clear concept of actions would not say such things…

What does “angry Kurdish youth” mean? Why does Bayik use such a concept so devoid of politics? He is not clearly claiming the action, presents it as the work of angry youth and is showing the iron hand in a velvet glove. He wants to say, look what will happen if you don’t reach agreement with us. At this point it has become clear that they are continuing to struggle in vain in the swamp of conciliation and this latest action was also done in the name of reaching agreement with the AKP.  It is also clear that at this point the action did not directly target state institutions.

On the other hand, we are seeing continuing threats from the PKK over a period of time… Murat Karayilan, Cemil Bayik and other KCK leaders are threatening to step up the war.  Cemil Bayik put forward winter conditions etc. as an excuse, saying that a lot of things would happen in the spring. But in reality there is no consistent and determined behaviour on display as regards renewing armed struggle or developing the war. On the contrary their behaviour is about trying to breathe new life into reconciliation. While Kurdistan is being levelled to the ground, Kurdish cities burned and destroyed and corpses disfigured beyond recognition emerge from Cizre, the Kurdish nationalists have done nothing but seek to raise false hopes in the name of reining in the anger of the people.

In conclusion:

  1. The Ankara action has caused a number of disputes about conceptions of armed struggle… The AKP wanted to use it to pressurise the PYD and obstruct the establishment of a Kurdish state. But the USA above all prevented them from doing this. The USA has moved to protect the PYD. Then the action was claimed by TAK and all the AKP’s lies were exposed.
  2. Both in the form of the action and its targets, it was also considered to be a counter-guerrilla one. Both the history of the Kurdish nationalist movement and its concept of actions played roles in this, as did the fact that rather than state institutions in the “state quarter”, civilians using service vehicles were among those targeted.
  3. While largely abandoning the line of armed struggle it had when it first emerged, the PKK has reached the point where armed actions are merely about achieving conciliation. The main reason is that their targeting has gone backwards and is governed by a petty-bourgeois nationalist viewpoint. A movement that does not aim for power also has no need to wage an armed struggle.
  4. While the PKK is abandoning a conception of armed struggle it is not giving up armed actions. It can still carry out actions today. But today the most powerful weapons it uses are in the service of reaching conciliation and continuing the process of conciliation. So it is an error to expect the PKK to restart the war and embark on open war against the oligarchy.
  5. The PKK with its threats and its statements that “we will renew the war” is trying to re-awaken hope among the people.
  6. The PKK is a movement which has broken away from a line of armed struggle and is swimming in the swamp of conciliation. The liberation of the Kurdish people means revolution and stepping up armed warfare.

  1. NOTE: Counter-guerrilla is part of the Gladio Operation in Turkey. ↩

  2. Translator’s note: a pro-AKP daily ↩

  3. Mustafa Yalciner, 20.02.2016, Ozgur Gundem ↩

  4. Ahmet Hahraman, 20.02.2016, Yeni Ozgur Politika ↩

  5. Translator’s note: Turkish state security and intelligence service ↩

  6. Hacer Altunsoy, 20.02.2016, Yeni Ozgur Politika ↩

  7. translator’s note: a PYD leader in Syria ↩

  8. AFP ↩

Analysis

A nationalism not directed against imperialism

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An excerpt from the DHKC-P analysis on the PKK, written in 1999:

What we particularly want to touch on is why and how the transition has been made from a theory of colonialism to wanting integration into Turkey. Here, something else must be mentioned.

From the start the PKK described its aims on the basis of colonialism in the following way: “The revolution in Kurdistan is first of all targeted against Turkish colonialism. It is this that robs us of political independence, destroys and devastates the productive forces and pursues a policy of annihilating the Kurdish language, history and culture. This colonialism is supported from outside by the imperialists and internally by feudal compradors. These forces, closely connected to each other economically, are the targets of the revolution in Kurdistan. A movement that does not oppose first of all Turkish colonialism and its internal and external supporters at the same time cannot be considered to be revolutionary in Kurdistan.”

In and of itself, this statement is approximately correct. “Turkish colonialism”, imperialism and Kurdish collaborators are all described as a target, even if a correct and unambiguous formulation has not been used.

However, the PKK’s practice has never developed inside this framework. First of all, the PKK has in no way openly opposed imperialism, and if it is a question of “Turkish colonialism”, this is always presented as the main target. As a consequence of this logic, imperialism is always presented as a secondary target. In the PKK’s history there has never been a tactic of fighting imperialism.

It looks on the Turkish oligarchy as though it had seized colonies outside of Kurdistan’s borders, for example like the relationship between the USA and Vietnam. From this analogy, the liberation of Vietnam did not see the destruction of US colonial power as an aim. Also, the PKK sees overthrowing the oligarchy in Turkey as a secondary matter or shows no interest in it at all.

And if the oligarchy maintains itself in power, the PKK develops the strategy of trying to take Turkish Kurdistan away from it, and to impose this upon it. But the drawback of this is that the relationship between Turkey and Kurdistan is not the same as the relationship between the USA and Vietnam! Without taking account of the oligarchy’s relations with imperialism, and its economic, political, cultural and military dimension, one will get into endless difficulties if one tries to put the “Turkish” dimension of this in the foreground and build an entire strategy upon it.

Inside the oligarchy there is no “Turkish” national purity, despite all the bourgeois demagogy that is deployed. So for this reason it is clear that a strategy that is not aimed at overthrowing the oligarchy and the imperialism inseparable from it will not be able to free Kurdistan.

This is actually one of the most important contradictions in the PKK’s theory of colonialism. In China and Vietnam, which are always cited as examples by the PKK, an actual struggle against imperialism was conducted. Whereas in the quote above, the place of imperialism was not clearly defined.

One must ask what this analysis considers the influence of imperialism to be. Is Turkey, which is militarily, politically, culturally and economically dependent on imperialism, the determining force, or is it imperialism itself?

The publications of the PKK do not answer such questions. Today, no answer will be forthcoming. For the reason that the PKK sees the USA or Germany as forces that might resolve the Kurdish question. Now we have to ask whether the genocides and massacres the oligarchy has unleashed against the Kurdish people for years are independent of the politics of imperialism? Is that the case today?

This question is not clearly answered. If it was, the PKK would have to adopt a clear attitude towards imperialism, that is, struggling against it. But as we will later quote in detail, the peace politics of the PKK require it to have relations with imperialism.

Moreover, the PKK does not wage a serious struggle against the Kurdish rulers and major landowners, though it says it does. Nor has it waged a struggle based on the land question. This means that the class content of the struggle has completely disappeared and on all sides it is narrowing down to mere nationalism.

World

Interview with the Anti-Imperialist Front (part one)

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What is the Anti-Imperialist Front? What are the objectives it pursues and what political and ideological basis it has? Who can form part of the Anti-Imperialist Front?

The Anti-imperialist Front was created after a Symposium Against Imperialist Aggression Against People in 2014. It is an anti-imperialist unity (alliance) of 15 organisations and individuals. It is an international alliance. The goal is it to build a unity and front of struggle of all oppressed people in the world against aggression and all interests of all imperialist and fascist forces. The Anti-imperialist Front is a union, which is covering every institution agaist imperialism and imperialist aggression.

The actual situation in the world is very complicates, especially for the oppressed countries and people, and it also represents a clutter of interests which is hard to understand and analyze.  How and what kind of analysis does the Anti-Imperialist Front make about the actual situation in the world?

If we are looking at the current situation in the world on the basis of class struggle it is actually not confusing. One of the most important analysis of the Anti-Imperialist Front is, that even when the imperialist have a clash of interests from time to time, they always get to an agreement when it comes to oppress the people. Starting from this analyses we can see, that the main contradiction in the world is between imperialism and oppressed people. The contradiction between imperialism and oppressed people will be complemented with the support of the imperialist collaborators in the oppressed countries.

In the present the revolutionary and the anti-imperialist movement in the world is very scattered and divided. A question which generates a lot of divisions and debates about the existence of a single imperialist block headed by USA or there are two blocks: one headed by USA and the other one by Russia and China. What is the position of the Anti-Imperialist Front about this question?

There are two imperialists blocks: one is headed by the USA and its collaborators, the other with all its internal contradictions is headed by the EU. Russia and China are categorised as capitalist countries and acting in their own regional interests. But we cannot say, that these two countries are differentimperialist blocks. Because if we analyze them in the growth of the capitalism they are not powerful enough to be imperialist.

Independently of how are Russia and China categorized, what is clear is that they are emerging capitalist countries driven exclusively by their geopolitical and economic interests and that their help to the oppressed people of Syria, Venezuela, etc. is always conditioned by those interests. What is the position of the Anti-Imperialist Front regarding Russia and China? Currently, one part of the world left defends Russia and China as anti-imperialist and that those countries should lead the world anti-imperialist movement. What is the position of the Anti-Imperialist Front about this question?

The anti-imperialist struggle can only be driven by the united fight of the oppressed people. Russia and China are developping economical and political relations in the frame of their regional interests. It is not possible to think, that the Anti-Imperialist Front and anti-imperialist struggle can be leaded by these two countries. On the base of the anti-imperialist struggle are the oppressed people. Only because a country is confronting with Imperialism to save their own interests or has contradictions with them from time to time, doesn`t make them necessarily a part of the anti-imperialist struggle. In the case of resisting against imperialist aggression, could be supported from the oppressed in different forms. But this solidarity can only be in the frame of the right of self-determination and of the people and resisting against imperialist aggression.

The current war in the Middle East is of special importance: Syria, Palestine and Kurdish people on the side of the oppressed and USA, Israel, Turkey,  feudal arab monarchies on the side of the oppressors. What is the position of the Anti-Imperialist Front on the Middle East?

Middle East is a region, where man made divisions and contradictions by Imperialist countries exist for decades. People where divided and made enemies of each other. The main contradiction at this region is between the oppressed people and Imperialism. On the axis of US Imperialism are local collaborating governments and on the other side resisting people. The freedom of the people in Middle East only is possible, when Imperialism and their collaborators can be removed, based on the united struggle of the people. It will be suggested, that the main enemy is IS to legitimate the collaboration with Imperialism. But to make an alliance with Imperialism against IS won´t bring freedom for the people of Middle East. Only a united fight of the people against Imperialits and their collaborators, who where supporting and feeding IS, can lead to victory.

How should the revolutionary and anti-imperialist world movement confront the imperialism and the wars of aggression against the oppressed countries and people?  What is Anti-Imperialist proposing in order to organize the resistance and the struggle against imperialism in the world? What is the importance that  Anti-Imperialist gives to the unity of revolutionary and anti-imperialist movement in the world? What are the basic principles of this unity?

The answer of an anti-imperialist world movement is without any doubt to support the resistance of the oppressed people. To organize that struggle should be on the basis of strengthening the unity and the quality of the union. Even if the support will be gradual. The solidarity we are talking about should be based on beginning the struggle on our own countries, as well as spreading out to the people worldwide and additionally to support it actively. The growth of the struggle depends on breadth of the struggle in the countries of the members of the organization. Apart from the expansion the struggle world wide, the main principle of the unity is: to turn towards the people and repel the imperialist aggression in a common struggle. To take a concrete statement against imperialism. Because imperialism is confusing the people with their own agenda. So friend and foe will be mixed up. So it is indespinsable to be clear in terms of imperialism. So one of the basic principles of the unity should turn against imperialism and all kind of collaborators and prevent that people make enemy of each other.

World

People on the Road to Power

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Ever since ’70s the Turkish revolutionary movement has been trying to build forms of direct democracy and self-management of the people in order to counter the fascist state, oppression and to bring political, cultural and economic emancipation to the masses. Although the movement was decimated during the period of the junta, the first People’s Councils which have taken place in the slums of Istanbul in the ’70s, lived through a rebirth in the mid ’90s and achieved rapid expansion.

We are sharing with you a collection of articles which describe the whole process, forces behind People’s Assemblies and People’s Councils, the organisations that built it and it’s major achievments as of 1998.

World

People’s Front from 2003 to 2014

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Turkish People’s Front (Halk Cephesi) has gone a long way since it’s inception  in the early 2000s until now.  It’s proposal is to start building socialist solutions to the existing problems created by capitalist contradictions and imperialist enslavement. To achieve that it is empowering people by constructing popular power and creating fronts to fight imperialism in every aspect of the life. It’s goals are independence, popular democracy and freedom.

Brochure from 2003. presnts early achievements and initiatives.

Over a decade later, one can see clear evolution and expansion of the struggle in additional fields.

Solidarity

RNP-F statement of solidarity with Turkish revolutionaries

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Once again the Turkish oligarchy in the service of imperialism has hidden it’s weakness and fear behind the repression, violence and terror, ironically calling it the struggle against terrorism.

Five thousand police officers. Two thousand agents of special forces. Helicopters, water cannons, armoured cars. Over five hundred arrested and some executed. The operation of this size against, using the Turkish government terminology, “marginal” organizations? Against the “marginals” who want such marginal things such as: freedom, justice and bread. Not because of what they want, but because they are ready to rise their voice, resist and sacrifice for that cause.

Gunay Ozarslan has lost her life in this operation. She was shot by the police in her apartment with 15 bullets. Her family and friends were broken down by the police in front of the center for forensic medicine. Her funeral was attacked by water cannons and tear gas. Even the dead are resisting.

Revolutionary People’s Party (RNP) denounces the policy of oppression of turkish revolutionaries. RNP supports legitimate resistance of the revolutionaries in the struggle for independence, socialism and social justice. RNP expresses it’s condolences for the death of  Gunay Ozarslan to her family, friends and to the People’s Front that she gave her life for.

Solidarity

Solidarity with Steve Kaczynski

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steveRNP-F would like to express it’s solidarity for unjustly imprisoned British revolutionary and journalist Steve Kaczynski.

Steve was arrested 4 months ago in a raid of turkish security forces on Cultural center Idil in Istanbul. Ever since his arrest he has been kept in solitary confinement. Visits are denied. Books, newspapers and magazines are denied. He is only allowed to get out of the cell for 2 hours per day. Not only that he is being kept under conditions which are applied to prisoners with aggravated life sentences, but also to those with cell punishment. All of that and no one knows why he was arrested as there is no official accusation nor trial date.

This is not a repression only of the revolutionaries but, more importantly, repression against international solidarity.

As a form of resistance to this repression, Steve Kaczynski has started a hunger strike. The prison authorities have threatened to intervene him and feed him by force if he does not give up the strike, which could have fatal effect on his life. He is slowly reaching the critical point as he already lost 12 kg.

In the name of the international solidarity and struggle for human dignity, rights and social justice, we raise our voice with the demand to stop the torture of Steve and for his immediate release!

Revolutionary People’s Party
Press bureau

World

This Front is another Front

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The news magazine in turkish language “Nokta” released an article about Halk Cephesi, dated 2006.  Here’s the translation in English. From the Turkish “Nokta” magazine, November 2-8, 2006. Author Ahmet SIK.

“There were perhaps 100-150 people. Before we realised what happened they were pointing guns at our heads. We could not make a move. Others who had clubs in their hands were swinging them right and left, breaking things, pouring them on the ground, turning tables over and leaving a mess. Then without saying a word they went away. They fired in the air. This lasted maybe 20 minutes and the police never came. We do not know who they are. We have had nothing to do with these people or with any others.”

In Ikitelli, the owners, from Diyarbakir-Kulp, of two music halls, one of which has a cafe on the ground floor, described what happened that night at the hands of armed people whose identities are unknown, adding: “No my friends, there was no gambling, no prostitution, nothing like that.” The owner of the other music hall who was attacked was adamant: he said not a word and would not allow photographs to be taken. He did not allow any of his workers to say anything. A youth from the area with his hands in his pockets did approach a little later and describe what happened. “He said, “Sir, two days ago they made a telephone call and gave a warning. He said, “They said that here ‘You are engaging in gambling and prostitution, if you do not stop it you will be punished.’ To this threat they added another threat. In two days they would come and turn the place over. Later they left a banner and went, the banner had the words ‘We will disperse the nests of filth – the Front.’ I learned this from the workers there.”

This Front is another Front

The days of Ramadan were not far off and in certain areas actions directed at places of entertainment selling alcohol had been given the same signature on numerous occasions: The Islamic Great Eastern Raiders-Front (IBDA-C). But this time weapons were involved, as was a different colour. And one or two days later in a “song bar” in Umraniye-Sarigazi there was also a similar event and any doubts about it were dispelled by a statement from the security services which mentioned a banner left behind: This Front was a Front of the “left”.

Moreover this Front used an abbreviation that is no stranger to many: DHKC–Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Cephesi–Revolutionary People’s Liberation Front. It is especially remembered in connection with the Death Fast against isolation practices in the F-Type prisons, which have been continuing since 2001.

In the past few years it has been maintained that the organisation has been carrying out a systematic struggle against drugs, gambling and prostitution in suburbs of Istanbul. It is even understood that that from these three elements, a politically left organisation has by its very presence gained a certain burning ascendency. In the above mentioned neighbourhoods political slogans and threats are written in red. “Gambling is a crime”, “Prostitution hand having others engage in it is a crime”, and these slogans are seen more and more frequently. And they all have the same signature: the Front.

In the above mentioned poor neighbourhoods of Istanbul, Ikitelli and Sarigazi, it is possible to say that in the past two years there have been dozens of different actions involving the throwing of Molotov cocktails. Nor is that the end of it.

In “problem” neighbourhoods “patrols” have been ensuring the security of neighbourhoods and streets. “Those who commit crimes” are made to leave the neighbourhood, otherwise they will be “punished”.These actions, referred to as “security” are one of the new activities of left organisations and are efforts to “expose” people, with various left groups setting up “public order teams” that are “looking after the honour” of neighbourhoods. Criticism of them does not change them, because “the people love them and support them”.

The Association for Basic Rights opposed to corruption

Alongside the DHKC’s illegal actions declared to be against “corruption” are the regular work of another institution, associations set up under the umbrella of the Federation for Basic Rights.

The Basic Rights Association is organised in the Istanbul districts of Sultanbeyli, Alibeykoy, Gazi, Kucukarmutlu, Sarigazi,
Umraniye-First of May neighbourhood, Ikitelli, Bagcilar and Kartal-GUlsuyu as well as in various parts of Adana, Elazig, Zonguldak, Tunceli, Samsun, Izmit, Gebze, Iskenderun, Adiyaman and Ankara. The association in its campaign named “Struggle Against Corruption” has been working like a serious civil society organisation over the past few years. It puts up posters in the streets against drugs, prostitution and gambling as well as organising panel discussions, street theatre and film showings. In the places where it is organised, it goes from house to house and workplace to workplace talking to local inhabitants to raise their awareness and involve them in its struggle.

The work in Ikitelli is run from a centre in a narrow street by the chair of the Basic Rights Association, Erkan Sonmez, who draws attention to the widespread addiction to drugs. After three years of working in the area they have been able to get dozens of young people off drugs. Touching on deeper questions, he said “Think of what lies behind the spread of drug addiction. To find money for drugs, these people sell drugs or engage in theft and prostitution. In doing this they are bringing down the neighbourhood for those who live in it. We have seen this problem and to find a solution we have started action together with the people. We have organised meetings in houses and workplaces, listened to people’s demands, listed their suggestions for solutions and put all into practice.

We have spoken to drug addicts on a one-to-one basis and have managed to persuade some of them. Now some of them work in our association, and we have found work for some of them.”

“Allah is pleased with the revolutionaries”

During our talk in a central part of the association building an elderly inhabitant of the neighborhood came in and at the end of the conversation suddenly said: “He is telling the truth. My son was one of them saved from drug addiction. We did what we could but could not succeed. But these young people were turned around in only a few days. Allah is pleased with the revolutionaries. It is not a lie, at the first opening of the association we wondered, ‘Could they be terrorists?’ but now we know.”
Hamza Pas said in the cafe in Ikitelli Atatürk neighbourhood where he has worked for two years that it was a case of “the association – before and after”. “In the first period this place was an unbelievable swamp. The young were addicted in one way or another. Later the people developed unity and unanimously cleaned it up. When I first came here pills were even being sold in this cafe. Both in my workplace and in the neighbourhood the children have been purified. Previously people were afraid to go home and would take detours that lengthened their journey.But now there is quiet and security.”

If the quiet in the neighbourhood was the result of association members and the cooperation of the people, the fear caused by “punishment” methods of the DHKC was even greater. Because in the streets at night, “patrols” by organisation members have achieved supremacy. To determine where there is prostitution and the drugs trade and then beforehand issue verbal warnings which, if not heeded, result in beatings, large groups raiding places and “punishing” them seizing theives and making them return the items they stole to their owners. And if these do not work there is one thing left – making exposing “criminals” and forcing them to leave the neighbourhood.

“Are the left guardians of public order?”

p4nONrThere are those who do not think it right that these kinds of organisations use these methods in struggling against gambling, prostitution, drugs and other crimes. It is undoubtedly clear who should be ensuring order and security in an area.

Security circle see events as a new danger from the DHKC, an illegal organisation that has been tending to decline, saying it is using these actions to broaden its base.

If not very strongly, there is real criticism from left circles. The criticisms are of how an organisation counting itself as left-wing is setting up “public order teams” as “guardians of honour”, preoccupied with conservatism and morality and taking over police duties.

Struggle against drug dependency

A 24-year-old named N.S. describes how he was “liberated” from drug addiction:

“Before I came to this association I had been a drug addict for seven years. I have been clean for the past six months. I was liberated from this illness and I take part in the work of Ikitelli Basic Rights Association. When I left school I starting taking drugs and pills. A lot of my young friends in my environment did the same. I had a friend with whom I would take drugs. One evening we were invited to the association. We ate a meal and had a chat. Previously we had held back from coming. That night they told us why we needed to give up drugs. Actually nothing was said that had not already been said by our families or older brothers. But I was very much affected. What influenced me was that they told me how political activities influenced the lives of the people who carried them out. I thought about the difficulties we are in and what they are giving their lives to. My conscious was troubled and the two of us gave up drugs. There were certainly threats made to us but I was not afraid. What made me give up was not fear but a bad conscience. Now I am calmer and happier.

Instead of using drugs I have started to show that IO am sensitive to the problems of our country. I have broken ties with my old friendship group. And now I am going to make speeches persuading our friends to give up these dirty practices.”

For example, Internet sites have argued about how a house where prostitution was going on was raided in Gazi neighbourhood in a “punishment action”. Those who were engaging in prostitution and persuading others to it were beaten, and a particularly criticised aspect of it was that a woman’s head was shaved.In the criticisms the “punished” woman was seen as unjustly treated, the DHKC’s methods resemble those of the Sharia supporters in Chechnya and in a number of ways resemble those of the mafia.

Selda Yesiltepe, the chair of the Association for Basic Rights and Freedoms in Gazi neighbourhood, says those who make the criticisms are overlooking the struggle as a whole. She also has a different approach to the hair-shaving incident. “This subject has been confirmed and it cannot be disputed. It is correct that women who engage in prostitution are also victims. But in Gazi neighbourhood our culture is one of solidarity and embraces everyone who is in difficulties. If someone is hungry they are fed, if they have no house or home a place to stay will be found for them. It is not the case that people in Gazi can say they are compelled to engage in prostitution for those reasons.”

The new problem of Gazi neighbourhood

It is in Turks’ memory that in 1995 there was a mysterious attack in Gazi neighbourhood that opened the way to more than 20 other people being killed, and the Basic Rights and Freedoms Association is one of those active in the area. At the time it was presented in the media as a “liberated zone of the left” but today the biggest problem is drugs and prostitution. Selda Yesiltepe says that even 12 or 13 year old girls have escaped from home or engaged in prostitution. Yesiltepe says some girls who gave up prostitution and returned home have returned to it. She says the association’s struggle in its three years of existence is against a “culture of corruption”.

She finds it odd that the actions cannot be reconciled with “left” politics.”Nevertheless revolutionaries have engaged in struggle in this area for years, and are correct to do so. Yes, in the past it was not as comprehensive but then again the problems were not as great. There is corruption almost everywhere being forced on society. We are in Gazi and naturally we have shaped our duties according to what people complain about to us. The problem of prostitution, drugs and gambling in Gazi is very extensive. The public authorities that need to struggle aainst corruption also make money out of this swamp, a fact covered in the news already. While it is like this some people will need to struggle with this problem.” Yesiltepe says this proves critics ignore the “political dimension” of the problem. “In Gazi, even legal associations can be closed down from one day to the next, people, killed, detained and tortured, imprisoned. By the sowing of fear, the idea is forced on people to “abandon political activity”. To put this into effect, a systematic culture of corruption is encouraged among those seen as “potential terrorists”. Bars are opened under the name of night clubs, gambling dens are opened under the cover of cafes. The sale and use of drugs is being normalised. All this is in areas where working people live, shantytown neighbourhoods.

So the idea is spread that ‘being politicised is trouble for the state, being apolitical is only a trouble for those around you.’ Because if human beings become politicised, they will engage with imperialism, the oligarchy and the struggle against injustice. There is no concern with people who get bogged down in corruption. So we can say that the struggle against corruption is also a struggle against imperialist culture.”

Imam part of the struggle

“The struggle against corruption” in Okmeydani was first announced some years back and it has said to have been largely largely successful. Okmeydani Basic Rights and Freedoms Association chair Musa Aykanat said that despite it being close to Taksim, the centre of every kind of entertainment in Istanbul, the struggle against night clubs, bars and music halls was started about 10 years ago. Aykanat says that “we took steps according to the pattern set out by the People’s Council in Okmeydani.” “Here there are not just left-wingers and revolutionaries. Conservative people also live here. People with headscarves and head coverings also attend our meetings. The former imam of our area’s mosque also takes part in the struggle and at every Friday sermon says he is ready to take part in the people’s council’s struggle against corruption. Yes, revolutionaries are the leadership but everyone living in our area is part of the movement so it is successful.”

In the end, of ten night clubs opened in Okmeydani, only three are still open. At the moment the biggest problem in the area is gambling, drugs and theft. Of course our situation is better than some other areas. Some gambling dens existed but were closed. There is one gambling den and it has been announced that it will close. There was a lot of gambling in cafes. Now there is considerably less.It is reported that some will close soon. All the local people held meetings on this subject and prepared leaflets. In the leaflets it stated that people younger than 18 were not allowed into cafes, there could be no gambling and they were to close at midnight. All these things are already legal requirements.”

Yes, in the poor areas of istanbul and the suburbs, there is a different kind of activity going on at night as compared to the day. It is certain that in the years to come this “new form of struggle” defended by inhabitants will continue to be one of items on the agenda.